By Paul Leyland, Founding Partner, Regulus Partners
"You may have to fight a battle more than once to win it" - Margaret Thatcher
The UK gambling industry is
probably feeling very relieved right now, perhaps even jubilant. Not only have
voters returned a surprise Conservative majority, but John Whittingdale has
just been announced as Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport.
The Conservatives were the only
major party not to have a manifesto commitment to increase the regulation of
FOBTs. They are also the only major party that was not committed to raising
taxes to combat the deficit (albeit no party mentioned gambling taxes
explicitly). Finally, Whittingdale has proved himself to be pragmatic and sensible
as head of the Culture Select Committee, even presiding over the (stillborn)
recommendation to increase the number FOBTs permitted per betting shop in order
to alleviate clustering (back in 2012).
As outcomes go, this is probably
better than anyone in the industry dared hope for. But is it right to sound the
‘All Clear’ on the sector?
I would advise considerable
caution for five reasons.
The first reason is that the
Conservatives have only the slenderest of Commons majorities (12), meaning that
this will be a parliament driven by consensus, lobby tactics and quid pro quo.
The views of the smaller parties cannot therefore be ignored, especially if
they coalesce and/or find resonance with elements of the Conservative party. It
should be remembered that Labour, SNP, Liberal Democrat and UKIP manifestos all
contained references to toughening FOBT regulation. It should also remembered
that the highly influential but non-ministerial Boris Johnson came down in
favour of tougher FOBT regulation prior to the election.
(for more detail on party policy
relating to gambling in the run-up to the election, see the Regulus - Olswang
Election Briefing piece here: https://goo.gl/B5bFe8)
Second, the SNP is determined to
wield its newfound influence in Westminster. Given his overall majority Cameron
may well be tempted to be hawkish and push the English agenda, though a slender
majority may tempt a more consensual approach (eg, Smith-plus in return for
support on Europe). The SNP are on record that Smith did not go far enough in
limiting FOBT numbers via licensing only for new shops: they could get more
powers, and if they do the Local Authorities of England and Wales (not least
Boris’s London) are highly likely to demand the same.
Third, pressure from external sources
is likely to redouble rather than diminish, given that the Conservative
manifesto effectively implied that enough had been done. This pressure has
proved highly effective in the past (vide
the number of manifesto commitments on a relatively narrow issue; as well as
ministerial action last year) and it would be dangerous in the extreme to write
it off now.
Fourth, Osbourne has made several
spending commitments that look unfunded (most notably £8bn extra for the NHS)
and is on the hook for material cuts elsewhere. He has limited room for
manoeuvre in increasing the major taxes given the Conservative Party’s
electoral stance. He is also facing an increased anti-austerity voice from the
opposition. In such an environment, any tax rises which are not felt by the
wider public or business as a whole are highly attractive. Gambling is an
obvious area for raiding on this basis.
Finally, with attention fixed on
FOBTs, the Racing Right, and potentially tax, it is easy to forget that there
are large swathes of land-based gaming, remote gambling and lottery which are
currently ‘below the radar screen’. History has shown that it does not take
much to put other sectors in the firing-line and it would be dangerous to be
blind-sided by complacency.
Despite these notes of caution I
am not necessarily gloomy. The industry has had a very lucky break in being
presented with a pragmatic government in terms of gambling policy, that it
willing to listen to its side of the argument as well as the anti-lobby. This
is good fortune: not a vindication of past errors.
For anything like the
regulatory status-quo to remain, the government will have to be confident in
defending it, or it will be thrown under the bus for political leverage. The
industry must therefore redouble its efforts in being (not just appearing)
open, transparent, compassionate and responsible.
The old industry has been given a
stay of execution while it reforms; only by maintaining the pace of reform can
it get out of the danger-zone.
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